Ghana has built an international reputation for political stability, constitutional democracy and peaceful transfers of power. The 2026 Global Peace Index places Ghana 76th globally and 10th in Africa, while Freedom House continues to classify the country as \u201cFree\u201d and notes its record of competitive multiparty elections and peaceful transfers of power since 1992.<\/p>\n
But peace and stability are not permanent conditions. They require institutions, leaders and citizens to continually protect the principles that hold society together.<\/p>\n
That is why a number of recent developments have prompted questions among sections of the Ghanaian public about the country’s direction, particularly concerning religion, education, financial policy, freedom of expression and Ghana’s foreign-policy posture.<\/p>\n
The central question is not whether Ghana should accommodate different religions, languages or international partnerships. Ghana’s constitutional order requires religious freedom and equal citizenship.<\/p>\n
The deeper question is whether major national decisions are being sufficiently explained, debated and scrutinised before they are implemented.<\/p>\n
One development that has generated debate is the government’s approach to Arabic and Chinese language education.<\/p>\n
The Ministry of Education has clarified that there is no policy or directive making Arabic compulsory in Ghana’s public schools. The ministry said a standardised Arabic curriculum is intended to regulate existing Arabic instruction, particularly in English-Arabic schools, and that the curriculum development process predates the appointment of Education Minister Haruna Iddrisu.<\/p>\n
The Office of the National Chief Imam has subsequently supported Arabic as an optional subject, arguing that the language has applications in diplomacy, science and commerce.<\/p>\n
These clarifications matter.<\/p>\n
They also demonstrate why public discussion should be based on the actual policy rather than claims that Arabic is being imposed nationwide.<\/p>\n
At the same time, the debate raises legitimate broader questions about curriculum priorities. What languages should Ghana invest in? How should Ghanaian languages be strengthened alongside international languages? What educational and economic objectives should determine language policy?<\/p>\n
Those are questions worthy of public debate regardless of religious affiliation.<\/p>\n
The Bank of Ghana is also moving ahead with a regulatory framework for Non-Interest Banking, commonly associated internationally with Islamic finance.<\/p>\n
The central bank published guidelines in January 2026 and established the Non-Interest Financial Advisory Council (NIFAC) in August to provide guidance on standards, governance and compliance.<\/p>\n
The Bank of Ghana has repeatedly stated that the framework is not intended to promote a religion.<\/p>\n
Governor Johnson Pandit Asiama has described non-interest banking as an inclusive commercial service available to Ghanaians regardless of faith and said it is intended to complement conventional banking rather than replace it.<\/p>\n
The central bank has also held consultations with Christian and Muslim leaders over the framework.<\/p>\n
Therefore, describing the development simply as Ghana introducing a religious banking system would leave out the regulatory and economic context. Nevertheless, the fact that public concerns have emerged demonstrates the importance of transparency and sustained civic education whenever a new financial model is introduced.<\/p>\n
Ghanaians have a legitimate interest in understanding how the model will operate, what safeguards will apply and how it will coexist with conventional banking.<\/p>\n
Another issue that deserves careful attention is the recent series of arrests connected to inflammatory comments concerning religion.<\/p>\n
In August, police arrested Imam Masud Abdullah over remarks allegedly urging violence against people who insulted Prophet Mohammed. Police also arrested pastor Daniel Junior Yaw Adjei over a separate video containing what authorities described as derogatory and offensive comments about Prophet Mohammed. Investigations were ongoing, and police said freedom of expression and freedom of religion cannot be used as a pretext for inciting violence or encouraging harm.<\/p>\n
These incidents should not be reduced to a competition between Christianity and Islam.<\/p>\n
They raise a broader constitutional question: How does a democratic society protect freedom of religion and expression while preventing speech that directly encourages violence?<\/p>\n
That question requires restraint from everybody\u2014politicians, clergy, imams, traditional authorities, activists and citizens using social media.<\/p>\n
Reports of threatening or violent rhetoric should be investigated individually rather than attributed collectively to an entire religious community.<\/p>\n
The editorial concern about Ghana’s growing engagement with the Arab world also warrants a distinction between diplomatic cooperation and political alignment.<\/p>\n
For example, the United Arab Emirates donated relief supplies valued at US$1 million to Ghana following the June 29 floods. The assistance included food and household supplies for affected communities.<\/p>\n
At the same time, the UAE has faced allegations from Sudan and other sources of supporting Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces. The UAE has repeatedly denied providing military support to the RSF. A UN fact-finding report has described foreign military support as contributing to the continuation of Sudan’s war, while Reuters has reported allegations involving networks connected to the UAE; the UAE rejects those allegations.<\/p>\n
This distinction is important.<\/p>\n
Accepting humanitarian assistance from a foreign country is not, by itself, evidence that Ghana endorses that country’s policies elsewhere. But it is reasonable for citizens to ask governments to explain major foreign relationships, particularly where partners are involved in contested regional conflicts.<\/p>\n
The strongest claim in the original commentary\u2014that President Mahama used the UN platform to support Hamas\u2014does not match his published September 24 address.<\/p>\n
Mahama strongly criticized the humanitarian situation in Gaza, reaffirmed Ghana’s recognition of the State of Palestine and support for a two-state solution, but he also explicitly said: \u201cWe condemn all acts of terrorism by Hamas that triggered this conflict.\u201d He called for all parties to respect international humanitarian law.<\/p>\n
His speech also addressed Sudan directly. Mahama called for a stronger global response to what he described as a catastrophic conflict and referred to Sudan as facing the world’s worst humanitarian crisis.<\/p>\n
That does not mean every Ghanaian must agree with the government’s foreign-policy position. It means criticism should be based on what the government actually said and did.<\/p>\n
Citizens can legitimately ask why Ghana emphasises Palestine in its diplomacy, how strongly it engages on Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo and northern Nigeria, and what principles determine the country’s foreign-policy priorities.<\/p>\n
Those questions are different from claiming that Ghana has endorsed Hamas.<\/p>\n
The editorial also asks why traditional authorities, civil society organisations, clergy, academics and other opinion leaders appear quiet when contentious national questions emerge.<\/p>\n
That question deserves public discussion.<\/p>\n
Ghana’s traditional authorities remain important institutions in national life, particularly at the community level. Religious organisations, professional bodies, universities, journalists and civil society organisations likewise have roles in scrutinising public policy and encouraging peaceful dialogue.<\/p>\n
But national debate should not become a contest between religious or ethnic blocs.<\/p>\n
Traditional leaders should not be expected to take positions on every government policy. Religious leaders should not be expected to speak for political parties. Civil society organisations should not be pressured into adopting partisan positions.<\/p>\n
Their responsibility, where they choose to intervene, is better understood as contributing informed perspectives, defending constitutional principles and encouraging peaceful civic engagement.<\/p>\n
Perhaps the most important issue is not whether Ghana is becoming more Christian, more Muslim, more Arab-oriented, more Western-oriented or more closely aligned with one foreign bloc.<\/p>\n
The question is whether Ghana’s constitutional identity and national interests remain the foundation for public decisions.<\/p>\n
A democratic Ghana must be able to teach Arabic without making religion compulsory. It must be able to regulate non-interest banking without turning the banking system into a religious institution. It must be able to support Palestinian rights while condemning terrorism. It must be able to receive humanitarian assistance from foreign partners while maintaining an independent foreign policy.<\/p>\n
And it must be possible to question all of these decisions without turning disagreement into religious hostility.<\/p>\n
The concerns being raised by sections of the public should therefore not be dismissed simply because they are controversial. But neither should unverified claims be allowed to become accepted as facts.<\/p>\n
Ghana’s peace has value precisely because it allows difficult questions to be asked before political, religious or social disagreements become crises.<\/p>\n
The responsibility now rests with government, opposition parties, traditional authorities, religious leaders, civil society, the media and citizens themselves to keep national debate within the boundaries of evidence, law and peaceful democratic engagement.<\/p>\n
The question \u201cWhat direction is Ghana heading?\u201d is therefore worth asking.<\/p>\n
But the answer should come from evidence, open debate, constitutional principles and the choices Ghanaians make as a society not from fear, rumors or assumptions about entire religious communities.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
Ghana has built an international reputation for political stability, constitutional democracy and peaceful transfers of power. The 2026 Global Peace Index places Ghana 76th globally and 10th in Africa, while Freedom House continues to classify the country as \u201cFree\u201d and notes its record of competitive multiparty elections and peaceful transfers of power since 1992. But<\/p>","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":15752,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"rop_custom_images_group":[],"rop_custom_messages_group":[],"rop_publish_now":"initial","rop_publish_now_accounts":{"facebook_3558452337540614_100649324928663":"","twitter_1160854738579181570_1160854738579181570":""},"rop_publish_now_history":[],"rop_publish_now_status":"pending","_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[24,1,43],"tags":[3394,1772,1172,2614,1789,1078,2905,3609,3607,412,2896,3608],"class_list":["post-15751","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","category-africa","category-general-news","category-opinion","tag-arabic-language","tag-civil-society","tag-democracy","tag-education-policy","tag-foreign-policy","tag-ghana","tag-john-mahama","tag-national-identity","tag-non-interest-banking","tag-religion","tag-religious-freedom","tag-traditional-leaders"],"yoast_head":"\n